The long awaited Major National Dialogue has come and gone but the resolutions are left to bear testimony of its impact as well as determine the fate of Cameroon, most especially those from the North West and South West regions. One of such resolutions is the recommendation of a “special status” for the North West and South West regions, considered by many as the key determiner of peace and an end to the Anglophone crisis. The raveled nature of this status has and is still attracting widespread speculations and reprimands from Cameroonians, most especially those from these two English speaking regions. In a bid to shade light on the cloudy special status, The SUN’s Senior Reporter, NDIMUH B. SANCHO caught up with Julius Ngoh, Professor of History at the University of Yaounde 1, who was a member of the Commission for Decentralisation and Local Development at the Major National Dialogue, to understand what a special status is, why the content was not developed and the deadline for implementation given, as well as the propensity of the status resolving the Anglophone crisis without directly redressing the “root cause” as was highly recommended. He starts by contextualizing the holding of the Major National Dialogue.
Cameroonians and Anglophones in the North West and South West regions have been going through a very very difficult period since November 2016 because of the Anglophone crisis which erupted based on the Trade Union demands of the English speaking lawyers and teachers in the two English speaking regions. What erupted in November 2016 was just a manifestation of the Anglophone problem which is a whole complex situation caused by the failure to implement adequately what the founding fathers of reunification agreed in Foumban in July 1961. It became important based on the crisis, assassination, kidnapping, burning of schools, preventing children and students from the North West and South West from going to school. In order to resolve the issue, there were calls for a national dialogue from the international partners of Cameroon as well as learned Cameroonians, religious bodies like Bishops of the Bamenda Ecclesiastical Province, who sent out several memoranda and finally, President Paul Biya in an extra-ordinary address to the nation accepted to put in place the Major National Dialogue with the principal aim to address the high aspirations of the people of NW and SW and of course, look at the problem that the other 8 regions of the country are facing. Principally, it was to address the crisis in the North West and South West regions, and since the problem cannot be resolved in isolation, you need the totality of all Cameroonians to sit and address the crisis and problem other regions have, within the framework of the constitution.
Can you say the Major National Dialogue was a success, given the arm conflict still wrecking the North West and South West regions?
It’s not like a bulb that you strike and the light comes on and you strike it again and it goes off. For a crisis that is slowly entering the 4th year, you don’t expect that immediately the dialogue ended, the crisis will end, especially if you bear in mind that the crisis has promoters with three principal visions for the SW and NW region. You have a group of Cameroonians who want secession, and independence for the NW and SW regions (former British Southern Cameroons) and this group of Cameroonians call it Ambazonia; then you have the other group of Anglophones who want a return to the federal system and within this group you have those who say two state federation as it existed between 1961 and 1972, and others who say we want a 10-state or more system then you have those who say we are comfortable if we have effective decentralization. Decentralization in French does not mean the same thing in English. Most Cameroonians especially Francophones have not been able to recognize that decentralization in English means devolution of power but that’s not what the French want it to be. Those who want 10 or more states, insist that SW should be a state of its own. These are the three views that were taken to the Major National Dialogue and I most add that to give you an idea that the president recognises the importance of the problem and that the Major National Dialogue was essentially to address the Anglophone problem.
Do you think the implementation of the resolutions of the Major National Dialogue will resolve the Anglophone crisis?
I was rather disappointed that the PM, Head of Government on behalf of the President invited Cameroonians of these three groups, even the secessionists received the invitation but for reasons best known to them they refused to come. A good number of those of the federal arm came, those for decentralization came. At the end of the day, those from the NW and SW were for a federal structure, and it is reasonable to point out that you can have a federal structure without calling it federation. US is not called Federal Republic of America, Canada is not called Federal Republic, South Africa is not called Federal Republic, Spain, Belgium etc. There are various forms of federal structures so it is not really calling it the Federal Republic of Cameroon but the essential I will want to believe is to address the Anglophone problems and you can do so without calling it Federal Republic or whatever. After the discussions at the Decentralisation Commission, it was proposed that the NW and SW should be given a Special Status, within the republic.
What is a Special Status, as recommended for the North West and South West regions?
A special status means that a people living in a territory have a peculiar value, system of government, culture or norm, which is different from the other group of people. This group of people occupying a recognized territory and then given a special status different from the other regions. In the case of the NW and SW, the unique historic peculiarity makes it reasonable that the people of NW and SW who in 1961 freely, through a plebiscite decided to achieve independence by joining the other group of people, and “we recognise that we have a political system, an economic system, educational system, legal system, cultural systems different from you people. So, we are coming to join you to build a greater Cameroon because between 1884 to 1916, we were one under the Germans”. This group of people were brought up in a completely different system and to maintain peace, you have to make sure that the system survives. For example Zanzibar in Tanzania, Kashmir in India, Quebec in Canada, Hong Kong in China all have a special status. What is important is the content.
Why did you people not develop the content of the special status and give implementation time frame in the Decentralisation and Local Government Commission, which had people with great minds like you?
There were heated debates on federalism, effective decentralization and all of that, so, former Minister Akame Mfoumou came up with an idea, which is in the constitution, said article 62 sub 2 of this constitution that they said we should work with provides for the creation of a special status under certain conditions. He pointed us to that portion of that constitution, which we read and said we can use it and recommend to the President to solve the Anglophone problem. Unfortunately, in spite of requests and statements by respectable members of that commission, the Chair Person refused to open it for a debate and said what Minister Akame Mfoumou has said, note had been taken. Normally, he would have opened it for a debate where the participants will discuss the pros and cons and more or less discuss what should be the content of that special status. When he said note taken, other Francophones asked why the NW and SW should be given a special status, that they also need a special status, which means that most Cameroonians have refused to understand the historic particularities of the NW and SW people. I am sure some Cameroonians might feel uncomfortable with this but in my view some of the problems that Anglophones face are caused and have been caused by some Anglophones. When the President called for this dialogue and said “work within the constitution”, the aim was to address the high aspirations of the people of NW and SW; their sources of frustration. What he wanted/want is to ensure that the crisis is resolved once and for all. If you feel that in addressing this problem, you need to go out of the constitution, you make recommendations; it still falls within the ambit of the constitution because the goal at the end of the day is to address the problem. If you feel that you will not be able to address the problem just staying within the commission then you make it clear, that although we were asked to stay within the constitution, we think that to address this problem permanently, it is necessary to address ABC or D, you make your recommendation and send. It is not the commission to decide what should be sent to the President through the PM.
Provisions were made for a special status since 1996, did it have to take a strike action to a point where thousands have died, hundreds of villages destroyed etc. for North West and South West to be given this status?
Of course the answer is ‘No’, and I will even remind you that even article 66 that talks of declaration of assets has not been applied because they say a special law needs to be put in place, even the regional council has not been put in place. That’s why it was recommended that a follow up committee should be created to make sure that the recommendations by the Decentralisation Commission should be implemented when approved. Once you have the special status for instance, the regional government should be able to handle road infrastructure, education, public health issues, revenue situation etc.
What’s the guarantee that this special status will not take close to 25 years and strike actions to call for its effective implementation like the case of decentralisation?
I strongly agree with your worries because even the 1996 constitution in its transitional measures said some of these institutions will be put in place progressively and this can take the next 20 to 50 years and we have seen that after 23 years the regional council is not in place. But immediately the dialogue ended, the President sent out a press release in which he promised to ensure that the recommendations are implemented as soon as possible. The EU, AU, UN, Britain, France and others have at least expressed positive reactions to the outcome of the dialogue and if you followed the discussion the President had with Macron, the issue came up and the French President encouraged that they speed up the implementation of the recommendation. The gravity of the situation warrants the President to ensure that the recommendations are implemented swiftly because he knows and we all know that the crisis is still on. So, Cameroonians and the international communities are really waiting to see the content of the special status.
What do you make of SDF’s recommendation that the special status should be like that of Quebec in Canada?
It cannot be the same like Quebec because Quebec did not have two regions. It was strictly a French speaking territory. It’s not like North West and South West where you have two people with two different traditional culture and norms. Cameroonians must recognise that in addition to the foreign received culture, the traditional culture, norms and values of NW are different from those of SW. I think it should be pointed out very quickly that Special Status granted NW and SW doesn’t mean that the two regions will be administered as one unit. They will be administered separately because the South Westerners, everything being equal, do not want to find themselves with the North West in one administrative union. They prefer both regions to be administered separately as it existed between 1949 and 1952. During this period, British Cameroon was administered as two distinct regions or territories; the present day NW region was the Bamenda Province and SW region the Cameroon Province. So, it will not be new to find the NW and SW administered separately but that doesn’t mean that the two regions from time to time should not be allowed “to compare notes”.
What will you say about those who think the views of Anglophones were suppressed during the dialogue unlike their Francophone counterparts?
I support the assertion that the chairperson, unlike what obtained in other commissions, did not allow the Anglophones to express their views the way they wanted. I particularly felt that since the President said 70 % of the participants should come from the NW and SW, that should have been reflected in the decentralisation commission by ensuring that 50 to 70 % of those who were giving the floor should have been from the NW and SW. This is because the Anglophones in that commission actually demanded the floor and it got to a point where there were some agitations and fortunately, Anglophones are all level headed people. So, it was brought back to normal.
Do you think Anglophones were prepared enough to push through their aspirations?
I must say, from what I gathered, the NW delegation prepared well and had a focus and all agreed on what they were saying unlike the SW delegation in that commission. I would have thought that the SW delegation would have had a meeting before coming. I have a feeling that the NW delegation did, because I asked a top level senior politician from the NW who said they have sent their delegation to that commission and they know exactly what to say.
The Major National Dialogue has come and gone. What next?
Discussions and dialogue continues. The recommendation of the dialogue cannot be effectively implemented without touching the constitution. A committee will be formed to put flesh on the special status and I do hope that those who will be called upon, will be those who have the interest of NW and SW at heart and not those who will go there to give impression they are trying to please the president of the republic. At the end of the day, they should look at the interest of the country and not that of an individual and the interest of the country ties very well with the interest of the NW and SW region. The attributes given to the special status must be inserted in the constitution, which will make it difficult for any President tomorrow to jut sign a decree changing everything. The constitution should have a provision that will make it difficult for the special status granted NW and SW to be abolished following the whims and caprices of a political party or somebody who becomes a president and becomes a dictator. So, an article should be inserted which gives veto power to NW and SW as far as certain decisions are taken to the special status and this must be clearly inserted in the constitution of the Federal Republic of Cameroon. That’s why any major constitutional amendment to be made at least 6 of the 10 parliamentarians from West Cameroon should vote yes. At that time, there were 60 parliamentarians; 50 from East Cameroon and 10 from West Cameroon, which means that if all the 50 from East Cameroon voted yes and 6 from West Cameroon voted no, the proposal will not go through. Unfortunately the parliamentarian from West Cameroon never used this veto power though out their reign.
Any last words?
I do hope Cameroonians understand the gravity of the situation and recognise that Cameroonians have no other country but Cameroon and those who for one reason think the dialogue achieved what they wanted should wait and see the outcome of what will go into the special status.